Tunisia's institutional crisis
Unfortunately, politics is still at a pastoral stage in Tunisia writes Soufiane Ben Farhat in la Presse de Tunisie. The politics is too deeply permeated with the archaisms. The crisis of the trade union, the UGTT, dealing with the government and the Ennahda movement, is witness to this.
Source : https://www.marocafrik.com/english/Tunisia-s-insti...
The crisis is unfolding. The minister and government spokesman, Samir Dilou, recognised the triggering of events. self-appointed so-called "protection of the revolution" groups opened hostilities. They provoked the union last Tuesday at the headquarters of the UGTT at Place Mohamed Ali in Tunis. Serious violence and clashes ensued. The allegiance of these groups to Ennahdha is no secret to anyone, the article asserts.
Exasperated, the UGTT held their general administrative commission. It was expected to react in a more or less measured manner. Meanwhile, Mr. Rached Ghannouchi, President of Ennahdha, held a press conference. He recommendated conducting a search in the headquarters of the UGTT, accusing them of stockpiling sticks and weapons.
The tension went up a notch. The Administrative Commission of the UGTT then declared a general strike on 13 December. At the same time it required the government to dissolve the protection committees to protect the revolution and to bring to justice those troublemakers for the incident on Tuesday, 4 December. The union in addition announced the filing of a complaint with the International Labour Organization (ILO). Leaders of the trade union also demanded a public apology from Ennahdha to the Tunisian people.
In sum, the UGTT was responsive throughout this crisis. Although grossly provoked. Nevertheless., mediation between the UGTT and Ennahdha requested by several people has so far failed.It is clear La Presse says that the institutions have hardly worked. Just individual initiatives, if one is generous, the article says. Or, at most, a dinner hosted by the President of the Republic that some party leaders (Hamma Hammami, and Shokri Belaid, Popular Front) boycotted from the outset. They denounced the presence of Mr. Rached Ghannouchi.
This means that in this transitional phase, bodies for promoting dialogue are lacking. Or dormant. La Presse says it would have expected this to be the role of the Constituent Assembly. Founder and original source of all the powers in the state, it is now reduced to an arena of endless partisan contests.
At the same time, strangely, the Prime Minister, Hamadi Jebali, is silent. During the painful events of the Siliana violence, he had refused to resign or replace the governor which poured oil on the fire. Meanwhile, the governor has been cleared and Hamadi Jebali is still in office.
There is a dissonance between the conciliatory Ennhada elements in the government (Abdellatif Mekki Dilou in particular) and thundering declarations from other responsible Ennhada elements which are purely partisan, La Presse asserts.
Of Course, the state has to impose control maintaining its profile through speeches,but crisis communication does not seem to be the strong point of the government.
In any event, there are paradoxes. Firstly, the transient phases were essentially based on consensus. If the structures, bodies and dynamic dialogue fail, it seems as if there is something wrong. This shows serious cracks in the edifice of government.
The paradox is twofold reall, La Presse says. Ennahda and CPR boycotted, the National Congress of the UGTT dialogue in mid October. Both parties are now at the center of the dispute with the trade union.
It also appears that individual temperaments, inclinations and personal enmities interfere in this crisis. ,the article says, which reveals the weakness and inconsistency which characterises the political class as a whole. It requires that pastoral treatment of an institutional crisis. That is another way to make it last.
AFP reports that the CPR spokesman announced that the party and President Moncef Marzouki were ready to quit the coalition with Ennhada.
Exasperated, the UGTT held their general administrative commission. It was expected to react in a more or less measured manner. Meanwhile, Mr. Rached Ghannouchi, President of Ennahdha, held a press conference. He recommendated conducting a search in the headquarters of the UGTT, accusing them of stockpiling sticks and weapons.
The tension went up a notch. The Administrative Commission of the UGTT then declared a general strike on 13 December. At the same time it required the government to dissolve the protection committees to protect the revolution and to bring to justice those troublemakers for the incident on Tuesday, 4 December. The union in addition announced the filing of a complaint with the International Labour Organization (ILO). Leaders of the trade union also demanded a public apology from Ennahdha to the Tunisian people.
In sum, the UGTT was responsive throughout this crisis. Although grossly provoked. Nevertheless., mediation between the UGTT and Ennahdha requested by several people has so far failed.It is clear La Presse says that the institutions have hardly worked. Just individual initiatives, if one is generous, the article says. Or, at most, a dinner hosted by the President of the Republic that some party leaders (Hamma Hammami, and Shokri Belaid, Popular Front) boycotted from the outset. They denounced the presence of Mr. Rached Ghannouchi.
This means that in this transitional phase, bodies for promoting dialogue are lacking. Or dormant. La Presse says it would have expected this to be the role of the Constituent Assembly. Founder and original source of all the powers in the state, it is now reduced to an arena of endless partisan contests.
At the same time, strangely, the Prime Minister, Hamadi Jebali, is silent. During the painful events of the Siliana violence, he had refused to resign or replace the governor which poured oil on the fire. Meanwhile, the governor has been cleared and Hamadi Jebali is still in office.
There is a dissonance between the conciliatory Ennhada elements in the government (Abdellatif Mekki Dilou in particular) and thundering declarations from other responsible Ennhada elements which are purely partisan, La Presse asserts.
Of Course, the state has to impose control maintaining its profile through speeches,but crisis communication does not seem to be the strong point of the government.
In any event, there are paradoxes. Firstly, the transient phases were essentially based on consensus. If the structures, bodies and dynamic dialogue fail, it seems as if there is something wrong. This shows serious cracks in the edifice of government.
The paradox is twofold reall, La Presse says. Ennahda and CPR boycotted, the National Congress of the UGTT dialogue in mid October. Both parties are now at the center of the dispute with the trade union.
It also appears that individual temperaments, inclinations and personal enmities interfere in this crisis. ,the article says, which reveals the weakness and inconsistency which characterises the political class as a whole. It requires that pastoral treatment of an institutional crisis. That is another way to make it last.
AFP reports that the CPR spokesman announced that the party and President Moncef Marzouki were ready to quit the coalition with Ennhada.
Source : https://www.marocafrik.com/english/Tunisia-s-insti...